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Showing posts with label Mexico. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Mexico. Show all posts

Saturday, June 13, 2020

0006 Vietnam in 1884: Year of dead emperors


Tân Sở, Vietnam
Early August, 1884 

As he approaches Phan Đình Phùng’s quarter with a bowl of simple breakfast, the twenty-years-old military officer Cao Thắng finds the wooden hut unusually quiet. He calls out Phan’s name several times with no answer. He enters the house and finds the commander lying unconscious with a scorching fever in his spartan bamboo bed. He immediately rushes out and find medicinal plants which he boils and administers to the commander, and orders two recruits to attend to the commander and cool his fever with damp clothes all day and night.

It is not until the next morning that Phan recovers from his fever. One of the attendants hurries to bring him breakfast. After two big bowls of porridge to regain some strength, he slowly pushes himself out of bed and walks out of the hut to look for Cao who are giving martial drills to the recruits.

Imperial city of Hue

As soon as he sees Phan, Cao rushes to hold his arm for support and sits him on a wooden bench, while the fifty or so recruits pause to look. Cao shouts at them to continue with the sword drills.

Cao: Are you feeling better, Commander?
Phan nods: Yes, thank you for taking care of me. It’s embarrassing. In all of my 37 years, I have never been so sick. 
Cao: It’s the jungle, Commander. It’s to be expected for anyone. But after a few times with the right medicine, your body will become stronger. 
Phan: Where did you find the right medicine in the jungle like this?
Cao: In the jungle, sir. Where else? The forest has all the medicine we ever need.
Phan: How do you know what plants to use?
Cao: I learned it from the indigenous people of the mountains since I was young, sir.

Phan: How many times do I have to tell you not to call me sir?
Cao: How can I not, sir? You are a scholar gentry placing first at the national mandarinate exam, and I would still be a good-for-nothing bandit or, worse, dead, if your brother had not protected me from the royal troop ten years ago.
Phan: That doesn’t matter. We are now equal as comrades fighting for our country. Apart from you, who has the knowledge and skills to train our soldiers? I am just a stupid mandarin who knows nothing practical in my life.
Cao: You know more than all of us put together and a hundred times more. We are just a bunch of ragtag urchins. Do you really think we can fight the French?
Phan: If not people like you who have been fighting them for years, who else? People at the court have just been fooling themselves that they can stop the French, but they will never stop until they own all of Vietnam.
Cao: I am sure there is still hope, sir.

A portrait of Phan Đình Phùng

Phan shakes his head gently and pulls out a piece of paper from his pocket.
Phan: Two days ago I received a pigeon message from Hue. The young Emperor Kiến Phúc died several days ago, and another fifteen-year-old was put on the throne. They call him Emperor Hàm Nghi.
Cao: That’s terrible, sir. That’s how many emperors since Emperor Tự Đức died in the middle of last year?
Phan nods: Well, Tự Đức was the fourth emperor of the Nguyễn Dynasty. This new one is number eight.  The fourth one in just over a year. And I have a premonition that he will not last long. The whole court will soon fall under French control… 
Cao lowers his voice: In that case, you were absolutely right to propose a plan to build this secret base to Regent Tôn Thất Thuyết.
Phan nods: I was hoping to be proven wrong, but we must prepare for the worse. It was during my inspection trip to the North to address the complaints against corrupt or incompetent officials that I discovered this area and wrote the book of Vietnam geography. But of course, I left out a lot of strategic details to keep them from the French. There are too many French collaborators at court. 

Cao: What happened to the three emperors before this one, sir?
Phan: Well, you know that Tự Đức couldn’t have children due to smallpox when he was young, so he adopted three nephews as sons. Before he died, he chose the youngest Kiến Phúc because he’s the least likely to be corrupted by the French. Regent Tôn and I secretly agreed that Kiến Phúc would not survive the more powerful royal family members under French influence, so these would have to be eliminated before he can rule effectively. So in contradiction to the late emperor’s will, the Regent arranged to have the oldest adoptee Dục Đức crowned as number five just to have him deposed and imprisoned with trivial accusations three days later. To avoid suspicions from French spies, I made a false pretest against the Regent’s actions for him to have me stripped of my position, thrown briefly into jail, and exiled according to our plan. That’s when I came to find you to help me execute the next steps.
Cao: What happened at the court after you left, sir?
Phan: After the execution, a senior member of the royal family, a half-brother of Emperor Tự Đức, asserted his claim on the throne as number six and the Regent Tôn failed to stop him. But Hiệp Hòa made a fatal mistake when he sent his mandarins to sign the Harmand Treaty after their attack on Thuan An Fort. Accusing him of bringing an elephant home to trample his ancestors' grave, the Regent managed to depose and force him to take poison after four months on the throne.

Cao: I see. That’s how Kiến Phúc finally became emperor as intended. I heard he was often in bad health, but who would have thought that he would die so soon after all the troubles to secure his seventh place?
Phan: I am not sure how it happened. The pigeon message didn’t give any details. But I wouldn’t rule out poison by a French agent.
Cao: Then we must do everything to ensure that our new emperor is safe. May the ancestral emperors protect him too.
Phan: That was on my mind too. May be that’s why in my feverish dream I saw myself back in Hue visiting the tomb of the first emperors.
At this point, the recruits, having finished their drills, gather around the two superiors. Cao tells them to go away, but Phan says they can stay to hear what he has to say. As soon as Cao nods, all the recruits come to sit around them.


Cao: Please describe the imperial tombs to me, sir, if you don’t mind. None of us here have seen Hue and will probably never get to see the imperial city in this life.
Phan: The tomb of Emperor Gia Long, the dynasty founder, lies the furthest downstream from the citadel. After reaching the site on a boat, you walk on a beautiful path through a peaceful pine forest situated between forty-two hills representing a protective wall surrounding the highest hill where the emperor lies. Then you walk up marble steps until you find Minh Thanh Temple containing the emperor and the queen’s funerary tablets and personal items. 
Then you go down a few steps through an ornate gate toward the Courtyard of Salutation with ten stone mandarins and their horses, elephants, and imperial guards. In front, there is a half-moon pond flanked by stone dragons. Then you walk up six levels of marble terraces lined with royal dragons and clouds until you reach the royal burial site on the very top where the emperor’s and the queen’s magnificent graves are laid side by side in the enclosure sealed with a bronze gate. 
Cao: Wow. It must be a very special place. 

Phan nods: The site was chosen by Fengshui experts befitting the emperor who united Vietnam, north and south. Nearby there’s a large stone stele with the inscription of his biography, recalling his life’s hardships including the early years when he spent in exile at Siamese court feeling like ‘a black leopard in a cage’ and ‘a dragon at the bottom of a deep well.’
Cao: Why was he in Siam, sir?
Phan: He was the last of the Nguyễn lords to survive Tây Sơn rebellion, so he sought help from Siam’s newly established dynasty. But it all went badly, so he tried the French, sending his son to Paris with a missionary named Béhaine promising to give Dà Náng and Côn Dâo island to the French emperor if they helped him win. But after signing the Treaty of Versailles, the French Revolution broke out while the French in India were not interested, so he only received backing from the French missionary and some mercenaries until he finally managed to unite the country.
Cao: Making deal with the French. Isn’t that like bringing in a snake to bite one's own chickens, sir? 
Phan: Looking back now, you’re probably right. It was a bad idea. But at that time, all fighting sides even the old Trinh lords and the Tây Sơn also enlisted foreign help because they had modern weapons.
Cao: But those foreigners will never do nothing for free.
Phan: France did send ships some years later to claim what was promised, even though they didn’t fulfil their end of the deal, so the emperor refused. But French missionaries were allowed to stay. 
A recruit blurts out: But they teach us to disrespect our ancestors. That’s completely wrong.
Other recruits nod in agreement. 

Phan: I know their faith is very different from our Confucian belief. And the court felt the same way too. Their teachings about Jesus, the son of God in heaven challenge the rule of the Emperor himself as the Son of Heaven. They also undermine Confucian values which are the moral bedrock of our society. But the missionaries won’t obey any decreed prohibitions or leave the country. Instead, they started to build influence over court mandarins and royal family members and used their native converts for underhanded purposes including inciting rebellions. That’s how the problem finally came to a head under the second emperor Minh Mạng
Cao: Please tell us about Emperor Minh Mạng’s tomb, sir?
Phan: His tomb lies slightly closer to the citadel. Following Fengshui principles, the layout resembles a womb, symbolizing a peaceful resting place awaiting a good rebirth. First you walk through the Great Entrance on either side of the middle dragon way reserved for the emperor, then you continue on the path flanked by Trung Minh Lake full of lotus flowers passing the stele house, the Courtyard of Salutation with two rows of stone mandarins, the temples of civilian and military mandarins on either side, Sung An Temple with the emperor and the queen’s funerary tablets and personal effects, then cross the bridge to pause at the moon-viewing Pavilion of Light with gorgeous scenery. Then you cross another bridge across Tan Nguyet Lake and climb 33 steps to arrive at the enclosure of the emperor’s and his queens’ tombs. 



Cao: How was Minh Mạng as an emperor, sir?
Phan: He used administrative reforms to strengthened unity and stability throughout the country, asserted power into neighboring Lao kingdoms and Cambodia, and extended our territory to the Mekong delta. For all this, he sometimes came into conflicts with Siam, but what he wasn’t prepared for was conflicts with the West. One year before he died, the Opium War broke out in China. The Qing Empire was savagely beaten by the British. Minh Mạng was so alarmed that he decided to kick out the missionaries and shut the door to foreigners.
Cao: He did the right thing.
Phan: I don’t know. For how long do you think we can keep them out? What the country needed was to prepare ourselves for the coming troubles. One good thing he did throughout his reign was to recruit the best men to serve the country based on ability and honesty not family history and connections, although distrusted of Catholics were prohibited from taking the mandarinate exams.
Cao: Catholics have no chance to pass them anyway.
Phan: Some people can be Catholic and still be educated and excel in the classics. Nguyễn Trường Tộ was one of the Catholic patriots who couldn’t serve, although he later became important in another way. 

Cao: And how did the French war start, sir?
Phan: When Minh Mạng died, his son Thiệu Trị became emperor and began to relax the anti-Catholic laws. After Britain won the Opium War, other European countries started to look for similar exploits elsewhere. French warships started to show up often at Da Nang demanding that we opened our ports for trade and give them privileges. In the last year of Thiệu Trị’s reign, a French ship with no good reason fired and sank five of our ships. Thiệu Trị was so angry that he ordered another round of persecution against the Catholics who he believed were behind French aggression.
A recruit asks: What’s Thiệu Trị’s tomb like, sir?
Phan: Because he reigned only for seven years, his tomb was built entirely by his son Emperor Tự Đức.. You enter the ornate gate, passing the Court of Salutation with only six stone mandarins, two horses and two elephants. Then you find a stele house and modest temples set among small gardens, and then cross three short bridges over a lake and walk some steps before arriving at the walled enclosure housing the graves of the emperor and the queen. Compared to Gia Long’s and Minh Mạng’s, it’s a very simple tomb in accordance with his own wish.
Cao: That’s a sensible wish. It’s better to spend money to prepare the country than build a lavish tomb only for himself. 

Phan: Indeed, we should focus our money and time to strengthen ourselves. War would have come sooner if not for another revolution and internal turmoil in France as the wave of revolutions swept across Europe. Meanwhile, the fourth Emperor Tự Đức first had to contend with a rebellion led by his elder brother who was passed over for kingship. It was later discovered that he was backed by foreign missionaries.
Not long after, the French president with support of the Church made himself emperor. Now he could do whatever he pleased, including invading other countries. After the end of the Crimean War, his attention came back to China and Vietnam. Emperor Tự Đức rejected his demand to establish a legation and a trading post, just when the Second Opium War broke out so they joined America and Russia to attack China while Britain was still reeling from the Indian rebellion.
But we were not left alone for long. Now on good terms with Britain after fighting the Crimean War and Second Opium War together, France saw the opportunity to make Vietnam their “India” outside British sphere of influence and interference. Using an execution of a Spanish priest as a pretext, this time they were joined by Spain and their Filipino colonial troops to attack Danang and capture Saigon. But they couldn’t hold on to it, because of the Italian War and more battles in China. 

After the combined Western forces defeated China, they burned down and looted Peking Summer Palaces. The Chinese Emperor fled Peking and died shortly after. Now France returned with full force. In one year, they took Saigon and two eastern provinces of the South. Facing with northern rebellion, the Emperor knew that he could not fight two wars at the same time, so he authorized venerable Phan Thanh Giản to negotiate the humiliating Treaty of Saigon. The rebellion, in fact, was also backed by the foreigners.
Cao: So they attacked us from both ends. How cunning.
Phan nods: But Emperor Tự Đức didn’t give up easily, not least because Saigon is where his mother’s tomb was located. He sent venerable Phan to Paris the following year to negotiate the return of the three provinces in exchange for an enormous sum of payment. But the French occupying the southern provinces were too greedy while the French emperor was occupied with Mexico, so venerable Phan returned empty handed and was appointed governor to defend the remaining three southern provinces.
It was around this time that Nguyễn Trường Tộ started sending petitions to the court urging rapid reforms, but his proposals were met with resistance from many conservatives at court not only because he was Catholics but also briefly worked for the French as a translator translating official court documents during the Southern invasion because he thought it would help both countries to come to peaceful agreement.

A bust of Nguyễn Trường Tộ in his hometown Nghe-An


Cao: What would a Catholic know anyway?
Phan: That’s what I thought too in the beginning. As Nguyễn Trường Tộ could not take the mandarinate exam due to his faith, he was given opportunities to travel with missionaries to Hong Kong, Singapore and other countries, and learned about the changing world from foreign books like the Ying-huan chih-lueh. So he had a better understanding than anyone in Vietnam about the danger facing the country.  
Cao: What’s the Ying-huan chih-liieh, sir?
Phan: They are books written by a Chinse scholar Hsu about the world’s physical geography, the political map of the world, and Western expansion in Asia and its impact upon China and its tributary states.
In Nguyễn’s petition "On the dominant trends in the world" he wrote, “I have frequently studied world affairs and realized that to sue for peace with France is the best thing we can do. In Europe, France is the most formidable military power, second to none… In victory, their entire country would rejoice; they show no regret even if they have to sacrifice thousands of lives in order to preserve their national honor and prestige. Their commanders are daring, highly resourceful, and skillful in tactics in both land and sea battles. He argued that, in order to protect what had not been lost to France, Vietnam had no other choice than to sue for peace and buy time to strengthen itself.”
He also had read Wei Yuan’s Hai-kuo fu-chih, which not only gave information about the West but also suggested strategic measures to deal with the current Western encroachment, such as "using Westerners to fight Westerners", "using Westerners to entice Westerners", and "learning the strength of Westerners to control Westerners"

French Capture of Saigon 1859

Nguyễn Trường Tộ recommended to the court to embrace the methods of the West lest Vietnam should lose its sovereignty, and that it should "control the French by using other Europeans" or "use other countries to defend itself from foreign threat," In the petition "On the Six Advantages," he quoted the current Qing Emperor who said: The best policy to fight against the Westerners is to use Westerners.
He urged that Vietnam should make peace and give temporary concessions to France while developing itself like Japan. Modernization was to him of the foremost importance; for this reason, he called for an expansion of trade and relations with other countries. He cited the example of Siam that opened trade with several European countries to balance one against another, after their rival Burma, once powerful enough to fight off the Mongols and the Qing, lost almost all its territory to Britain.
He also proposed that Vietnam take the initiative and invite French companies to come and invest in Vietnam, participating in the development of its mines and other resources so that the Vietnamese could learn modern technology and thus bridge the gap between their country and the outside world. If Vietnam was not prepared to do so, France would force its way in, anyhow, and seize Vietnam's resources for its own use.

At the same time, he emphasized the need to preserve social and political order by upholding the imperial throne and the officialdom. Japan, Turkey and many European nations were saved from social upheavals because they were able to maintain such institutions.
Most importantly, in "On the education and accumulation of talents" he attacked "empty learning" (hu-hoc) and called for the adoption of "practical learning" (thuc-hoc) in education; recommended the establishment of various departments as fisheries, mining, forestry, geology, and irrigation; promoted equality of gender in education; encouraged the study of foreign languages among Vietnamese. 
The Emperor resisted it in the beginning reasoning that we can never win barbarians with barbaric means, lest we become barbarians ourselves like Japan. But slowly he began to grasp the need for reforms. He assigned Nguyễn to go to France to recruit experts and purchase books and machinery for a technical school to be built in Hue. But it was too late. When Nguyễn was in Paris, the French forces in Cochinchina using an excuse of suppressing anti-French rebels violated the “Treaty of Amity” and captured the three remaining provinces. Unable to defend his territory, venerable Phan resigned and committed suicide. 

Phan Thanh Giản (middle) and delegation to Paris (1863)

Cao: I remember his words. The first time I heard it from your brother, I cried. He said “I was living at peace with you, and relying upon your good faith, but you now march against me with forces so large that would be madness to resist. I we fight it will bring misery to innocent people, and will only end in defeat. I therefore yield to you what you demand, and protest against your violence.”
Some recruits wipe off their tears.
Phan: The timing was unfortunate for Vietnam. Under pressure from the ranking officials of the dominant "war faction" who vehemently opposed both the French and Christianity, the court ordered Nguyễn and his group to return home. On his return, he sent another petition "Eight urgent matters" urging reforms in such areas as defense, administration, taxation, and education, and adoption of the vernacular script  as the official written language instead of literary Chinese. But his voice was drowned out by the conservatives. In the end, his reform proposals came to nothing. Defeated, he went back to his hometown in Nghe-an.
Four years later when France was beaten in the Franco-Prussian War, he wrote another petition urging the court to exploit this opportunity to regain the lost provinces. He was summoned to Hue to discuss details but he died with illness before. That’s truly unfortunate because France had many internal problems during those years, and we could have strengthened ourselves before they came back this time.

Death of Francis Garnier 1873

Cao: But they attacked Hanoi ten years ago. I remember that’s the year your brother saved me, sir.
Phan: Apparently that time was all done by the French in Cochinchina. Once they realize that the Mekhong cannot be easily navigated to the rich mines of Chinese Yunnan, they turned their attention to the Red River instead. Garnier attacked Hanoi but died at the hand of the Liu Yongfu’s Black Flag Army. 
Cao: Did you get to meet Nguyễn Trường Tộ, sir?
Phan: No, I entered the court six years after he died. During the last stage of the mandarinate exam, the Emperor Tự Đức posed questioned on how the West made such rapid military progress, my answer was “Such progress is not exclusive to the West. As Japan demonstrated, Vietnam could do the same as we have the will power”. Later the regent told me, it remined him of Nguyễn Trường Tộ. So I got the opportunity to read all his petitions from the library of the Regent. I deeply regret never have met him.
Cao: We certainly need more intelligent people like him.
Phan: Maybe that time has passed. The court is full of defeatists. Honest mandarins have left, while most of the remaining are either French collaborators or protecting their own interests, not the country. Now we need more and more people like you to fight the French.
Cao: One would have thought that they would stop bothering us after their European war defeat.
Phan: Quite the opposite. Once they put their house in order, they sought to seek prestige through enlarging their empire in Asia and Africa in order to compensate for the humiliation in Europe. 

Combat of Nam Định during France's Tonkin Campaign of 1883 

Cao: Can’t we ask for support from China?
PDP: China is surrounded by wolves so they are not ready to confront the French full-on as that will invite the others to join in like before. That’s why they have forsaken us. They signed an agreement with France in Tientsin a few months ago. That’s why France wanted Emperor Kiến Phúc to give them the imperial seal that Emperor Gia Long received from the past Qing Emperor when founding the dynasty.
A recruit suggests: How about asking help from Siam like Emperor Gia Long? 
Phan: I am not sure. There has been several conflicts between us and Siam over the Lao rebellion and Cambodia that I don’t think they have forgotten. Even without those, they are also trying to survive like us and China, avoiding any pretext for France to invade them too.
Cao: But if Vietnam falls, won’t they be next?
Phan: That may very well be. Right now they are clutching their territories and tributary states as tightly as possible. I am sure France also has its desire on Lan Xang and other Lao kingdoms which stand between Tonkin and Yunnan. 
A recruit then comments: Sir, you haven’t told us about Emperor Tự Đức’s tomb.
Phan: His tomb is different than the rest, because it’s a vast complex with a royal residence where he often escaped to when he was unhappy. I only visited it a few times for discrete meetings. The complex is very elaborate because he took three years to build it himself. 
But what struck me most about it was the stele biography which he wrote, lamenting his own failings and the decision to accept “voluntary humiliation in order to bring peace to his kingdom”.
Cao: He should have fought, not accepting it so easily. We are here fighting. The people have been fighting even without the court support.


Phan: I know there are many posters calling for resistance. I heard about one anonymous poster calling for "putting down the French and retrieving the North" put on the main road of Nam Đàn District.  
Cao: Because yielding to the French is a betrayal to our ancestors. Besides, it’s suicide.
Phan: It’s a slow death, but death for sure. The Cambodian king yielded his kingdom as French protectorate, and where did that get him? Gradually, they are trying to squeeze him out of all power, like a boa snake.
Cao: It’s a complete mistake, sir.
Phan: Nguyễn Trường Tộ’s words are these, “Once a mistake has been made, it is cause for eternal regret; By starting over from the beginning, the foundation for a hundred years may be laid."
Cao: Does he mean his own mistake working for the French, sir?
Phan: I am sure he deeply regretted that period of his life, but I always sensed that he was talking more about the country although I couldn’t pinpoint what he meant. It could be Gia Long’s for inviting the French in, Minh Mạng’s for kicking them out, Thiệu Trị’s for not preparing for war, or Tự Đức’s for not modernizing and strengthening the country. 
Cao: Or all of them?
Phan: On the contrary, now I think it’s none of these. Our mistake, rather, is to think that the court is the country. That is wrong. Vietnam is its people. We need to start over by trusting and giving power back to the people, then the foundation for a hundred years may be laid. 
He slowly kneels down on the ground facing the recruits, kowtows to them, and with the loudest voice he could muster shouts out, 

“The Emperors are dead. Long live the people!”

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Saturday, May 30, 2020

0004 US race relations in 1884: Waging perpetual war

PREVIOUSLY on 1884 



Memphis, Tennessee. Mid-August 1884.

Ida B. Wells’ heart races upon seeing on the envelope a familiar handwriting. It’s a letter from the great Frederick Douglass with whom she has been corresponding regarding an unpleasant incident she experienced on a Chesapeake & Ohio train. On May 4, after she refused to give up her seat in the first-class lady’s car, the train conductor and two men dragged her to the crowded smoking car which also served as segregated car for colored people. 

Ida B. Wells circa 1893


Ida is surprised that the esteemed orator and abolitionist leader finds the time to respond to all her inquiries, despite his arduous travelling schedule on lecture tours. Since escaping from slavery in 1838 when he was twenty, he’s become the most well-known abolitionist in America and abroad. However, he has lately come under attack for continuing to back the Republican Party despite their increasingly pro-rich position throughout the Great Railroad Strike and the dirty Compromise of 1877 which, among other things, pulled federal troops out of the South. 

But given the Democrat Party’s white-supremacist policies and practices, his support for the Republican Party is welcomed by seven millions of blacks in Southern states where Jim Crow laws renewed their status as oppressed second-class citizens terrorized into fearful silence from lynching, murders, arson and threats by white supremacists even after the Klu Klux Klan was suppressed in 1871. Ultimately, the dirty politics of the day hurt both blacks and poor whites. The same federal troops that had protected blacks from violence were pulled out and sent to suppress the Great Strike of 1877 a few months later. 

With slightly trembling hands, Ida opens the envelope and finds a letter and a booklet. The letter reads …

------------------------------------------------------------------

Battle Creek, Michigan. 
Aug 1, 1884

Dear Miss Wells,

Thank you for your latest letter of July 5th which I received with gratitude. It was very kind of you to remind me with appreciation of my speech What to the Slave is the Fourth of July? from many years ago. While recounting it, I was struck by how much and how little things have changed during the two decades after the Emancipation Proclamation and the Civil War.

Later today, I will humbly be giving another speech here in Battle Creek to commemorate the fiftieth anniversary of the Emancipation in the British West Indies. As you are aware, the abolition movement in America, like many other institutions of this country, was largely derived from England. Even the doctrine of immediate emancipation as against gradualism, is of English, not American origin. It was expounded and enforced by Elizabeth Heyrick and adopted by all the earnest abolitionists in England.

I happily remember my first lecture tour in the British Isles in 1845-7, occasioned by the threats made against my life after the publication of Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass. During the tour, I had the opportunity to visit Ireland at the outbreak of the Great Famine which ultimately killed a million and sent another million starving Irish men, women and children to our shore. 

Great Irish Famine 1845-9

Exchanges with Irish leader "The Liberator" Daniel O'Connell opened my eyes to see that poverty and inequality are not natural states, but conditions inflicted by one group of man on another. Such was clearly shown by how the Corn Law and aristocratic landlord turned a natural blight into a catastrophic famine. It is no surprise that they are now reaping the consequences with the Land War, which may erupt into a civil war someday.

For wherever men oppress their fellows, wherever they enslave them, they will endeavor to find the needed apology for such enslavement and oppression in the character of the people oppressed and enslaved. When we wanted, a few years ago, a slice of Mexico, it was hinted that the Mexicans were an inferior race, that the old Castilian blood had become so weak that it would scarcely run down hill, and that Mexico needed the long, strong and beneficent arm of the Anglo-Saxon care extended over it. We said that it was necessary to its salvation, and a part of the "manifest destiny" of this Republic, to extend our arm over that dilapidated government. So, too, when Russia wanted to take possession of a part of the Ottoman Empire, the Turks were an "inferior race." So, too, when England wants to set the heel of her power more firmly in the quivering heart of old Ireland, the Celts are an "inferior race." So, too, the Negro, when he is to be robbed of any right which is justly his, is an "inferior man."

This is the reason why I oppose our wars of expansions such as the Mexican War, through which those deluded in America’s manifest destiny wish to enlarge slavery territory like the imperialist William Walker who would have us annex Cuba and much of Central America. 

Neither do I support, as President Lincoln did, sending freed blacks “back” to Africa – a continent they have never seen. Lincoln fought to save the Union at all costs, not – at least not at first – to emancipate enslaved people. Laying blame for the secession on enslaved people, he would have removed all black presence from American soil to prevent further conflict.  To him, I insisted that black people should rightfully remain in this land where we and our ancestors have toiled with blood, even if white people are unwilling to accept our equality or doubt our ability to ever achieve it. 

Having said that, although Lincoln shared the prejudices of his white fellow countrymen against blacks, it is hardly necessary to say that in his heart of hearts he loathed and hated slavery which he said was ‘the greatest wrong inflicted on any people.’

Another thing that I came to realize while in Ireland was the intersections of the Irish struggle against British rule with our own. Because of the global reach of British and French power, I can’t help wondering whether Lincoln was finally pushed to issue the Emancipation Proclamation – after the chastisements from abolitionists including myself proved ineffective –  in order to prevent Britain and France from recognizing, or, worse, arming the Confederacy? Whatever the reason, his Emancipation Proclamation as well as his agreement to enlist black soldiers to fight shoulder to shoulder with their white comrades did much to regain my respect for him. 

Going back even further, it was also in England that it was suggested to me that our Revolutionary War was in fact a counter-revolution against abolition. According to this particular English gentleman, Lord Mansfield’s decision of 1772 frightened the Southern colonies so much that they joined the North in taking up arms in order to shield the institution of slavery from the impending emancipation. It is not unlike when later Napoleon sent troops to suppress rebelling Haitians from enjoying the same Rights of Man as Frenchmen. However, I didn’t believe it then as I still don’t believe it now. 

Haitian Revolution


After all, I have faith that our Declaration of Independence and our Constitution contain Enlightenment ideals that extend equality and rights to black Americans. Regrettably that was how I came to a long disagreement with my former mentor Mr. Garrison who burned the constitution which he believed to be absolutely pro-slavery. 

But after the Supreme Court decision last year declared the Civil Rights Act of 1875 unconstitutional, I wonder if he was right. How is it justice when it’s decided that the Fourteenth Amendment protect blacks only from discrimination by states but not by individuals and corporations? At this rate, these corporations will one day have more rights than people of color like us, as, according to the newspapers, railroad barons are now arguing in court that their companies are protected by the amendment ‘persons’!

The strength and activities of the malign elements of the country against equal rights and equality before the law seem to increase in proportion to the increasing distance between that time and the time of the war. When the black man's arm was needed to defend the country; when the North and the South were in arms against each other and the country was in danger of dismemberment, his rights were well considered. 

That the reverse is now true, is a proof of the fading and defacing effect of time and the transient character of Republican gratitude. From the hour that the loyal North began to fraternize with the disloyal and slaveholding South; from the hour that they began to "shake hands over the bloody chasm", from that hour the cause of justice to the black man began to decline and lose its hold upon the public mind, and it has lost ground ever since. 



The future historian will turn to the year 1883 to find the most flagrant example of this national deterioration. Here he will find the Supreme Court of the nation reversing the action of the Government, defeating the manifest purpose of the Constitution, nullifying the Fourteenth Amendment, and placing itself on the side of prejudice, proscription, and persecution. 

Whatever this Supreme Court may have been in the past, or may by the Constitution have been intended to be, it has, since the days of the Dred Scott decision, been wholly under the influence of the slave power, and its decisions have been dictated by that power rather than by what seemed to be sound and established rules of legal interpretation. 

Although we had, in other days, seen this court bend and twist the law to the will and interest of the slave power, it was supposed that by the late war and the great fact that slavery was abolished, and the further fact that the members of the bench were now appointed by a Republican administration, the spirit as well as the body had been exorcised. Hence the decision in question came to the black man as a painful and bewildering surprise. It was a blow from an unsuspected quarter. 

For the moment the colored citizen felt as if the earth was opened beneath him. He was wounded in the house of his friends. He felt that this decision drove him from the doors of the great temple of American justice. The nation that he had served against its enemies had thus turned him over naked to those enemies. His trouble was without any immediate remedy. The decision must stand until the gates of death could prevail against it. 

As of now, I’m increasingly negative about taking up further government positions, but at the same time I’m greatly encouraged that you are pursuing a lawsuit against the train company. This case is very important for all black people, and it must be doubly so for you as a lady. The Supreme Court decision took away protection against discrimination from not only blacks but also women. I am confident that suffragists like Elizabeth Stanton, my long-time friends since the 1848 Seneca Falls Women’s Rights Convention and Susan B. Anthony will agree with my opinion regarding the decision. (Although we may have parted our ways over the Fifteenth Amendment, I wish her all the best in her renewed struggle for women’s suffrage since appearing before the House Judiciary Committee a few months ago.)

I hereby enclose a copy of the Proceedings of the Human Rights Mass Meeting of October 22, 1883 – one week after the decision – which also contains my full speech on the Supreme Court decision. I hope you will find useful the arguments therein. I look forward to hearing from you on the lawsuit.

With kind regards,
Frederick Douglass

Frederick Douglass after 1884 with his second wife Helen Pitts Douglass (sitting).
The woman standing is her sister Eva Pitts.

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The "This decision has humbled the nation" speech of October 22, 1883 speech reads: 

Friends and fellow citizens. I have only a few words to say to you this evening.... 

We have been, as a class, grievously wounded, wounded in the house of our friends, and this wound is too deep and too painful for ordinary and measured speech…

The cause which has brought us here tonight is neither common nor trivial. Few events in our national history have surpassed it in magnitude, importance and significance. It has swept over the land like a cyclone, leaving moral desolation in its track. This decision belongs with a class of judicial and legislative wrongs by which we have been oppressed. 

We feel it as we felt years ago the furious attempt to force the accursed system of slavery upon the soil of Kansas; as we felt the enactment of the Fugitive Slave Bill, the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and the Dred Scott decision. I look upon it as one more shocking development of that moral weakness in high places which has attended the conflict between the spirit of liberty and the spirit of slavery, and I venture to predict that it will be so regarded by aftercoming generations. Far down the ages, when men shall wish to inform themselves as to the real state of liberty, law, religion, and civilization in the United States at this juncture of our history, they will overhaul the proceedings of the Supreme Court, and read this strange decision declaring the Civil Rights Bill unconstitutional and void… 



We cannot, however, overlook the fact that though not so intended, this decision has inflicted a heavy calamity upon seven millions of the people of this country, and left them naked and defenseless against the action of a malignant, vulgar and pitiless prejudice from which the Constitution plainly intended to shield them. 

It presents the United States before the world as nation utterly destitute of power to protect the constitutional rights of its own citizens upon its own soil. It can claim service and allegiance, loyalty and life from them, but it cannot protect them against the most palpable violation of the rights of human nature; rights to secure which governments are established. It can tax their bread and tax their blood, but it has no protecting power for their persons. Its national power extends only to the District of Columbia and the Territories—to where the people have no votes, and to where the land has no people. All else is subject to the States. In the name of common sense, I ask what right have we to call ourselves a nation, in view of this decision and of this utter destitution of power? 

In humiliating the colored people of this country, this decision has humbled the nation. It gives to the railroad conductor in South Carolina or Mississippi more power than it gives to the National Government. He may order the wife of the Chief Justice of the United States into a smoking-car full of hirsute men and compel her to go and to listen to the coarse jests and inhale the foul smoke of a vulgar crowd. It gives to hotel keepers who may, from a prejudice born of the Rebellion, wish to turn her out at midnight into the storm and darkness, power to compel her to go. 

In such a case, according to this decision of the Supreme Court, the National Government has no right to interfere. She must take her claim for protection and redress, not to the nation, but to the State; and when the State, as I understand it, declares that there is upon its statute-book no law for her protection, and that the State has made no law against her, the function and power of the National Government are exhausted and she is utterly without any redress. 

Bad, therefore, as our case is, under this decision, the evil principle affirmed by the court is not wholly confined to or spent upon persons of color. The wife of Chief-Justice Waite—I speak it respectfully—is protected to-day, not by the law, but solely by the accident of her color. So far as the law of the land is concerned, she is in the same condition as that of the humblest colored woman in the Republic. The difference between colored and white here is that the one, by reason of color, does not need protection. It is nevertheless true that manhood is insulted in both cases. 

"No man can put a chain about the ankle of his fellow-man, without at last finding the other end of it about his own neck." 



The lesson of all the ages upon this point is, that a wrong done to one man is a wrong done to all men. It may not be felt at the moment, and the evil may be long delayed, but so sure as there is a moral government of the universe, so sure as there is a God of the universe, so sure will the harvest of evil come. Color prejudice is not the only prejudice against which a Republic like ours should guard. The spirit of caste is malignant and dangerous everywhere. There is the prejudice of the rich against the poor, the pride and prejudice of the idle dandy against the hard-handed workingman. There is, worst of all, religious prejudice, a prejudice which has stained whole continents with blood. It is, in fact, a spirit infernal, against which every enlightened man should wage perpetual war. 

Perhaps no class of our fellow-citizens has carried this prejudice against color to a point more extreme and dangerous than have our Catholic Irish fellow citizens, and yet no people on the face of the earth have been more relentlessly persecuted and oppressed on account of race and religion than have this same Irish people. But in Ireland persecution has at last reached a point where it reacts terribly upon her persecutors. England is to-day reaping the bitter consequences of her own injustice and oppression. Ask any man of intelligence, "What is the chief source of England's weakness? What has reduced her to the rank of a second-class power?" and if truly answered, the answer will be "Ireland!" But poor, ragged, hungry, starving, and oppressed as Ireland is, she is strong enough to be a standing menace to the power and glory of England. 

Fellow citizens! We want no black Ireland in America. We want no aggrieved class in America. Strong as we are without the negro, we are stronger with him than without him. The power and friendship of seven millions of people, however humble and scattered all over the country, are not to be despised. 

Today our Republic sits as a queen among the nations of the earth. Peace is within her walls and plenteousness within her palaces, but he is bolder and a far more hopeful man than I am who will affirm that this peace and prosperity will always last. History repeats itself. What has happened once may happen again. 

Crispus Attucks, the first American martyr to die for the American Revolutionary War


The negro, in the Revolution, fought for us and with us. In the war of 1812 General Jackson, at New Orleans, found it necessary to call upon the colored people to assist in its defense against England. Abraham Lincoln found it necessary to call upon the negro to defend the Union against rebellion. In all cases the negro responded gallantly. Our legislators, our Presidents, and our judges should have a care, lest, by forcing these people outside of law, they destroy that love of country which in the day of trouble is needful to the nation's defense. 

Fellow citizens! While slavery was the base line of American society, while it ruled the church and state; while it was the interpreter of our law and the exponent of our religion, it admitted no quibbling, no narrow rules of legal or scriptural interpretations of the Bible or of the Constitution. It sternly demanded its pound of flesh, no matter how the scale turned or how much blood was shed in the taking of it. It was enough for it to be able to show the intention to get all it asked in the courts or out of the courts. But now slavery is abolished. Its reign was long, dark and bloody. Liberty is now the base line of the Republic. Liberty has supplanted slavery, but I fear it has not supplanted the spirit or power of slavery. Where slavery was strong, liberty is now weak. 

Oh, for a Supreme Court of the United States which shall be as true to the claims of humanity as the Supreme Court formerly was to the demands of slavery! When that day comes, as come it will, a Civil Rights Bill will not be declared unconstitutional and void, in utter and flagrant disregard of the objects and intentions of the national legislature by which it was enacted and of the rights plainly secured by the Constitution. This decision of the Supreme Court admits that the Fourteenth Amendment is a prohibition on the States. It admits that a State shall not abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States, but commits the seeming absurdity of allowing the people of a State to do what it prohibits the State itself from doing. 

It used to be thought that the whole was more than a part; that the greater included the less, and that what was unconstitutional for a State to do was equally unconstitutional for an individual member of a State to do. What is a State, in the absence of the people who compose it? Land, air and water. That is all. Land and water do not discriminate. All are equal before them. This law was made for people. As individuals, the people of the State of South Carolina may stamp out the rights of the negro wherever they please, so long as they do not do so as a State, and this absurd conclusion is to be called a law. All the parts can violate the Constitution, but the whole cannot. It is not the act itself, according to this decision, that is unconstitutional. The unconstitutionality of the case depends wholly upon the party committing the act. If the State commits it, the act is wrong; if the citizen of the State commits it, the act is right. 

By the end of the Civil War, roughly 179,000 black men (10% of the Union Army) served as soldiers in the U.S. Army and another 19,000 served in the Navy. Nearly 40,000 black soldiers died over the course of the war.


O consistency, thou. art indeed a jewel! What does it matter to a colored citizen that a State may not insult and outrage him, if the citizen of the State may? The effect upon him is the same, and it was just this effect that the framers of the Fourteenth Amendment plainly intended by that article to prevent. 

It was the act, not the instrument; it was the murder, not the pistol or dagger, which was prohibited. It meant to protect the newly enfranchised citizen from injustice and wrong, not merely from a State, but from the individual members of a State. It meant to give the protection to which his citizenship, his loyalty, his allegiance, and his services entitled him; and this meaning and this purpose and this intention are now declared by the Supreme Court of the United States to be unconstitutional and void. 

I say again, fellow citizens, Oh, for a Supreme Court which shall be as true, as vigilant, as active and exacting in maintaining laws enacted for the protection of human rights, as in other days was that court for the destruction of human rights! 

It is said that this decision will make no difference in the treatment of colored people; that the Civil Rights Bill was a dead letter and could not be enforced. There may be some truth in all this, but it is not the whole truth. That bill, like all advance legislation, was a banner on the outer wall of American liberty; a noble moral standard uplifted for the education of the American people… 

This law, though dead, did speak. It expressed the sentiment of justice and fair play common to every honest heart. Its voice was against popular prejudice and meanness. It appealed to all the noble and patriotic instincts of the American people. It told the American people that they were all equal before the law; that they belonged to a common country and were equal citizens. 

The Supreme Court has hauled down this broad and glorious flag of liberty in open day and before all the people, and has thereby given joy to the heart of every man in the land who wishes to deny to others the rights he claims for himself. It is a concession to race pride, selfishness, and meanness, and will be received with joy by every upholder of caste in the land, and for this I deplore and denounce this decision…

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